G. legi: V. B quicquid legi: quidquid B[2] Spiritualis ministerii sacramentum,7 quo michi divina predestinatio comitem M. spiritualiter copulavit, quando venerabilis pater H.8 Hostiensis et Velarensis episcopus tunc9 apostolice sedis legatus eum crismate sancto perunxit, me cogit vestram sincerius diligere unitatem, in qua non parcior propositum serviendi, quia servitium, quod unius gratia confero unitati, singulis arbitror exhibere, maxime cum ad unum quoque vestrum ferventem dilectionem habeam et reverentiam specialem.
unitati legit Lanham: imitari B[3] Karitas ergo, que habet a Christo progressum, et perfecta dilectio, que foris est sicut mors--unde timorem excludit--me sine vestrorum porrectione rogaminum probabiliter induxerint ad hoc opusculum|[199r] compondendum,10 in quo pro vestri honoris augmento De iactura et malo divisionis tractavi, desiderans ut nobis perpetua debeat esse cautela et alii per consimiles doctrine semitas illesis valeant gressibus ambulare.
tractavi legi: tractatu B[4] De utero superbie processit invidia venenosa, que odibiliter Lucifero persuasit, ut sedem suam ab aquilone11 poneret et divideret cum altissimo deitantem. Unde fuit de angelica sede proiectus cum suis agminibus angelorum. Set ipse, in speciem serpentis conversus, prothoplastum pomo fallaci toxicavit et tunc cepit in orbem terrarum litigiose divisionis materia exoriri,12 que mortales usque in finem seculi non desinet infestare.
Lucifero legi: Luciffero B fallaci legi: folleco B[5] Novum igitur faceret Dominus miraculum super terram, si Phares13 domum vestram non intravit, maxime cum quinque14 portas habeat principales et multitudinem introducentium15 numerosam. Phares enim habet gladium accutissimum, quo montes et saxa recindit, imperia et regna partitur, diminuit res publicas et privatas, religiones transfigit, honores demembrat, fecat amicitias, incidit federa, devotionem interimit filialem, spernat coniugia, sauciat iuramenta et adversus eum non valent porte ferrea prevalere, nisi forte sit unitas clavigera, que ipsum aliquorum hostia ingredi non permittat. Set raro fit--immo rarissime--quod unitas per Phares non patiatur inimicabilem sectionem, quod fieri sepius inter fratres videmus.
quinque legi: V. B publicas legi: putas B[6] Nam, quod fuit super omne mirabile admirandum, cum soli duo fratres erant in mundo, alter eorum invidia suadente manum dexteram16 trunctavit. Iacob etiam, cum esset in utero matris, fratrem suum Esau non permisit flatus et atrox primitus exaurire.17 Filii namque ipsius Iacob fratrem suum Ioseph unaminiter conspirarunt et ipsum occasione sompnii vendiderunt.18 Heneas quidem in odium Priami excellentissimam urbem Troiam destrui persuasit.19 Muri namque Urbis primordium propter|[199v] ambitionem dominii fraterno sanguine maduerunt.20
invidia suadente repit. post dexteram B atrox legi: ???os B[7] Ceterum nemo posset antiqua fratrum odia numerare. Unde breviter quedam exempla modernorum ad ostendendum meum propositum introducam. Alexius namque imperator Constantinopolitanus fratrem suum imperatorem Isachium suadente uxore fecit sub fraudis et proditionis velamine bacinari.21 Quare urbs Constantinopolitana, que super omnes alias civitates orbis divitiis et deliciis habundabat, tante destitutioni patuit et ruine, quod ad narrandum calamitatis et miserie genera stili deficerent poetarum.22
Isachium legi: Hysachium B poetarum legi: portarum B[8] Nunc autem extra visibilia et paria diligentius intueamur et desolationes, que causa divisionum23 proveniunt, perscrutari subtilius procuretis. Videtis enim, quod multi marchiones et comites, qui iura hereditaria diviserunt, irremediabiliter cecidere a soliis dignitatum et precipue in partibus illis, in quibus habunt dominia civitates, nulli remanserunt in statu pristino nisi vos et marchio Montis Ferrati.
[9] Sed ecce, vos estis et appellamini comites palatini, cuius dignitatis vocabulum a vestris predecessoribus habuistis. Sed in domo vestra non erat, nisi unus solus, comes palatinus et modo propter unitatem et concordiam ad vos quinque dignitas est transferata.24 Sed, si divisionem aliquam facietis, nullius vestrum comes palatinus poterit appellari, quia caderet significatio nominis ab effectu, maxime cum palatinus ab imperiali palatio derivetur, ex eo quod tamquam princeps debet iuxta locum imperii residere.
quinque legi: .V. B signifficatio B[10] Verumque dignitas inpatiens est consortis et ex equalium conversatione oritur contemptio dignitatis, debetis vobis cautius precavere ab hiis, qui divisionem inducere sueverunt. Introductiones autem divisionum sunt iste: venative blanditie mulierum, versipelles amici, lingue adulantive, persuasiones vasallorum, quia magis vellet uni|[200r] quam pluribus deserviri, ac dispares voluntates. Profecto nichil est, quod maiorem gravet inimicitiam quam disparitas vel contrarietas voluntatum.
lingue legi: ligue B vellent legi: vellet B[11] Preterea, si vestram diviseritis unitatem, vester desolabitur comitatus, quoniam civitates, que velud sanguisuge angariis et parangaris universam terram vestram supponent, vos etiam constringent plebeia servitia exercere.25 Multi namque per Ytaliam comites appellantur, quibus est nominis umbra pudor et qui propter divisiones et importabilia dominia civitatum ad tantam paupertatem et insufficientiam devenerunt, quod equos habere non possunt et tamen calcaria deferunt ad velamen pudoris. Unde recte possunt comites pedane nominari, quia comes absque comitatu et molendinum sine aqua paria esse videntur.26
supponent: et add. B defferunt B[12] Nam in tantum iam excrevit talium comitum multitudo, quod triginta super uno teraso27 apud Cremam fuerunt inventi. Unde pro memoria debent adhuc Terasus appellari. Proprium etiam nomen comitis in paupertatis labyrinthum demersi officiali preponitur ad pudorem, ut cum aliquis deberet 'comes Oliverius'28 appellari, nomen postponitur dignitatis,29 ut 'Oliverius comes' cum ludibrio nominetur. Et nomina marchionum in despectum consimilem premittuntur cum suis.
triginta legi: .XXX. B uno legi: una B (sed habet nota in margine per illegibilem correctionem) debent legi: debe't (deberet?) B preponitur legit Lanham: ponitur B[13] Ergo in honore sublimi et inter principes solium glorie teneatis vestrem statum per unionem et concordiam confirmare debetis, attendentes quod Phares iam vobis evaginato gladio comminatur et vestram partiri desiderat unitatem, quam si poterat aliquorum persuasionibus violare, totum honorem vestrum a summo usque dorsum conscindet et particulariter vestrum dividet comitatum.30 Insuper non debeo sub silentio preterire, quod opportet princeps esse veraces, largos pariter et constantes; veraces in promissis, largos in donis et constantes in factis. Pro certo nulla sunt, que sublimes viros amplius dehonestent, quam apertum mendatium, detestabilis avaritia et instabilitas actionum. Nec dico, quod sapientis non sit consilia variare|[200v], cum expedire viderit et discedere ab erratis. Sed notandum est, quod sunt nonnulli, qui dum cogitant avaritiam evitare, vitium prodigalitatis incurrunt, que <...> parit usuram. Et usura de fenoris semine gravidata die noctuque parturit devorandam substantiam debitorum.31
dorsum legi: diorsum B instabilitas legi: stabilitas B que: B habet spatium octarum elementarum[14] Item sciendum, quod largitas est virtus et parcitas moderatrix, avaritia est crimen, prodigalitas corruptela. Largus enim figuratur soli, parcus lune, avarus hydropico et prodigus desinterico. Veneratur largus, commendatur parcus, avarus fit abhominabilis et prodigus infamatur. Est insuper memorie commendandum, quod tres sunt languores donorum: protractio temporis, turbida facies et indiscretio donatoris.
tres legi: quatuor B[15] Item consulo, ut in vestro dominio temperantiam habeatis, quia dominium tollerabile perversos facit esse fideles. 'Facit esse perversos'32 nec refero, quod malefactores non sit vigor iustitie tuerius adhibendus, quia pene levitas non exhibet diligendi et acerbitas ultionis materiam removet malignandi. Leo siquidem cathenatus applaudit custodi et latro deprehensus coram iustitiario lacrimatur. Sed propter applausum non est leo dimittendus nec latro debet propter lacrimarum fusionem dimitti, quia leo paratus esset ad predam et latro conspiraret ad furtum. Preterea, licet furtum, latrocinium, rapina, proditio, falsitas, refermentum33 sodomiticum34 non proveniant ex rerum natura, tamen sunt accidentia, que propter delectationem abusus inseparabiliter adherent subiectis. Unde, qui talia agunt, exoculari vel mutilari non debent, sed pena capitis vel furtarum suspensione dampnati aut in fornace ignis ardentis comburi. Illos nempe recordationis inclite pater vester Guido Guerra comes palatinus pro tentiatus et enormes penas delevit, quos non|[201r] poterat correctione simplici castigare. Pro latronibus quidem et raptoribus omnis homo sibi absque spe minime supplicabat, super quibus debetis eius vestigia propensius imitari.35
refermentum legi: referiii tii /cii (referam cum/referam tamen/referiuntur/referunt tamen/referunt cum tamen: t n B imitari legi: immittari B[16] Ad hoc altitudini vestre non suadeo, quod infidelibus et proditoribus fidem aliquam observetis, quia frangentibus fidem fides non est servanda et presertim, cum in eo puniri debeat, in quo delinquere. Item conforto vos multipliciter et exhortor, ut antiquos et fideles diligere sincerius procuretis, attendentes quod novi non possunt veteribus coequari. Set unum malum vidi sepius in turiis sublimium personarum,36 quod non est silentio reliquendum, videlicet ingratis et infidelibus propter adulationem et mendatia benivolentia ostenditur et copiosa munera exhibentur, et fidelibus et veracibus atque propter grata et acceptabilia servitia indignatio demonstratur et retributio subtrahitur meritorum. Tractabiles nimirum vos omnibus et singulis exhibere debetis, prout exigunt merita personarum, ne fastus excellentie vos efficat odiosos vel nimia familiaritas reddat contemptibiles et vulgares.
[17] Demum sublimitati vestre duxi fideliter consulendum, ut in memorie signaculum funiculo triplici modo Salomonico connectatis, prout attentius ne illi, qui fuerunt graviti a patre vestro vel a vobis offensi, occasione alicuius reconciliationis debeant vestris ocultis negotiis aut consiliis interesse. Immo, quod plus est, minus debetis in eis confidere quam in manifestissimis inimicis, quia cicatrix illate verecundie sive dampni est nota memorialis in corporibus vulneratis. Unde reconciliari, quacumque arte vel ingenio pacis moliuntur federa violare. Transumunt quidem se in vulpes, ut decipiant; in lupos, ut rapiant muerinos; araneos, ut telam|[201v] traditionis possint ordinare; in scorpiones, ut fundere cum caudis valeant venena.
[18] Item hoc tempore debetis preteritorum diligentius recordari, presentia subtilius intueri et meditationis oculis contemplari futura. Quia vacat imperii celsitudo,37 popularium dominia non valescunt, caterve nobilium opprimunt, iustitia penitus deseritur et sola potentia dominatur. Illustre namque comitisse V. matri vestre, que <est> principalis columpna vestri comitatus et solidissimum fundamentum, sublimem tenemi honorem et filialem reverentiam exhibere, ut sit vobis eius benedictio fructuosa et longevi esse mereamini super terram. Ceterum, si predictam volueritis cum effectu operum in memorie repertorio conservare, Phares domum vestram ingredi non valebit. Unde status vestri honoris augmentabitur et civitates, licet vestram non diligant unitatem, nichilominus tamen vos in statu consueto manere permittent. Et ita vocaliter et realiter eritis comiti palatini cum triumphali gloria et honore etc.
????? : teiiii /ceiiii Ceterum: Cett m B operum legi: operm B in memorie legi: inmemorit B tamen legi: tii/cii B
1 Boncompagno's letter to the sons of count palatine Guido Guerra III, which is only transmitted in Berlin, SBPK lat. fol. 509, fols. 198v-201v, is found there between Boncompagno's Tractatus virtutum and his Notule auree, headed by the rubric: Epistola mandativa ad comites palatinos. §3 reveals that this letter was commissioned by its recipients. This letter, a hitherto unknown Fürstenspiegel and valuable source for the history of the Tuscan nobility, argues that the Guidi brothers should retain a kinship system of shared rule and inheritance, the consorteria. This new arrangement of sharing the title of count palatine among all the brothers had only recently been installed, on the death of their father, Guido Guerra III, in 1215. --- On the Fürstenspiegel, see WILHELM BERGES Die Fürstenspiegel des höhen und späten Mittelalters Schriften der MGH v. 2 (1952). --- On the consorteria, see below note 24.
2 The eldest living son of Guido Guerra III, Guido IV served as podesta of Lucca in 1214 and married Iohanna of Pallavicini, the sister of the margrave Visconti of Pallavicini. His mother was Gualdrada, the second wife of Guido Guerra III and the daughter of Bellincione Berti of Florence. According to a story well known in medieval Italy, the marriage took place at the suggestion of Otto IV, who had been impressed with her great beauty, wit and modesty. This legend is discredited by the fact that Gualdrada married Guido Guerra in 1180. Records show she had at least two children by 1202. Cf. Dante Inferno 16.37-39 and Paradiso XXX.XX. --- Guido Guerra II was one of Barbarossa's key supporters among the Italian nobility. He negotiated and signed the treaty of Konstanz; the emperor's son Konrad was born in February 1167 at the Guidi castle in Modigliana. As Barbarossa explained in a letter to the imperial court historian, bishop Otto of Freising, he had besieged and destroyed Spoleto because its citizens held count Guido Guerra II captive. ALFRED HAVERKAMP "Friedrich I. und der höhe italienische Adel" Beiträge zur Geschichte Italiens im 12. Jahrhundert VuF 9 (Sigmaringen 1971) 53ff. P. BREZZI, G. GUAGNINI, A. OVERMANN, K. SCHROD, M. STRACHWITZ.
3 The youngest son of Gualdrada and Guido Guerra III, Aghinolfo was a judge and captain of the knights of Pistoia in 1237, according to the family tree given in BERTHOLD STAHL Adel und Volk im Florentiner Dugento Studi italiani 8 (Cologne 1965) .
4 Ruggero died in 1229 or 1230, leaving two sons and a posthumous child. He had been podesta of Lucca in 1224 according to the family tree given in BERTHOLD STAHL Adel und Volk im Florentiner Dugento, Studi italiani 8 (Cologne 1965).
5 The second eldest surviving son of Guido Guerra III, Marcualdo was styled count of Dovadola, a Guidi castle 18 km. southwest of Forli, on the Montone river, and 13 km. southeast of Modigliana, the main Guidi stronghold. Castel Ruggiero is located nearby. Marcualdo married Beatrix of Capraia before 1220, when their first son Guido was born.
6 Guido Guerra is the only count palatine in the Boncompagnus, except for one `H. comes palatinus' who is marrying the daughter of the duke of Austria,. In the Oliva c.54, both Guido Guerra and Aldobrandinus have this title.
7 Boncompagno served as a Firmpaten for Marcualdo's confirmation, which probably took place in 1199 (see note 9) or ca. 1207-1209 (see Boncompagnus 1.13.1 §3). Gualdrada is called Boncompagno's commater in Boncompagnus 1.25.11, which was written after 1215; Marcualdo's annointment had united them in spiritual kinship of coparentage. Marcualdo's baptismal godfather was the Staufer magnate Markward of Annweiler, whom he served as a page. See WERNER GOEZ "Ein Brief des Grafen Guido Guerra III. an Markward von Annweiler" DA 32 (1976) 131-146. --- On spiritual coparentage, see JOSEPH LYNCH Godparents and Spiritual Kinship in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton 1987), KARL HAUCK "Formes de parente artificielle dans le haut moyen age" in Famille et parente dans l'occident medieval ed. GEORGES DUBY and JACQUES LE GOFF (Rome 1977) 43-47, CHRISTIANE KLAPISCH-ZUBER "Parrains et filleuls. Une approche comparee de la France, l'Angleterre et l'Italie medievales" Medieval Prosopography 6 (1985) 51-76. --- See Bernardus Papiensis Summa Decretalium 4.11 §1 (ed. LASPEYRES 157-8): Cognatio spiritualis est propinquitas proveniens ex sacramenti datione vel ad id detentione, ut ecce: sacerdos baptizat parvulum, te eum suscipis, uterque vestrum est eius pater spiritualis, ut C. XXX. qu. 1 Omnes...; 4.11 §5 (ed. LASPEYRES 159-160): Quia vero diximus, cognationem spiritualem per sacramenta ecclesiastica provenire, videamus, per que sacramenta contrahatur. Sciendum est igitur, quod secundum veritatem et consuetudinem tantum tria sunt sacramenta, que compaternitatem impedientem matrimonium inducunt, videlicet sacramentum Christianitatis, et sacramentum baptismi, et sacramentum consecrationis ab episcopo facte. Citations: C. 30 qu.1 c. 1, qu. 4, c. 3, De consecratione D. 4 c. 100.
8 Hugo, cardinal bishop of Ostia and Velletri (1207-1227), pope Gregory IX (1227-1241). For Hugo's activities as a papal legate to Germany in 1207-1208 and in 1209, accompanied by cardinal Leo Brancaleonis of S. Croce, see RNI 141-149, 178-184 and Boncompagnus 5.1.23. Boncompagno met the legates (perhaps in Bologna) in early summer of 1207 (Boncompagnus 1.13.1). WERNER MALECZEK Papst und Kardinalskolleg von 1191-1216 (Vienna 1984) 126-133. --- Hugo also served as a legate in Lombardy, 1216-1219 and in northern Italy 1221, ie. Tuscany, Emilia, Lombardy and the Veneto. This 1221 legation may be followed in the Registri dei cardinali Ugolino d'Ostia et Ottaviano degli Ubaldini ed. GUIDO LEVI (Rome, 1890). The subscriptions show that Niccolo di Reggio took part on this legation, preaching the Crusade and gathering a large number of troops from Emilia.
9 The word 'tunc' might carry an adversative meaning here, signifying that Ugolino's legation took place before he was raised to the episcopacy. In that case, the legation took place in summer 1199, to Markward of Annweiler in Veroli. (Perhaps this has something to do with composition of Isagoge). --- Hugo's fellow legates were cardinal bishop Octavian of Ostia and Guido cardinal presbyter of S. Maria in Trastevere (on Octavian see Boncompagnus 3.16.5, on Guido 3.16.16). Markward died September 1202. Cf. F. BAETHGEN Die Regentschaft Papst Innocenz III im Königreich Sizilien (Heidelberger Abh. 44, 1914); THOMAS VAN CLEVE Markward of Annweiler and the Sicilian Regency (Princeton 1937).
10 The rest of this letter (or perhaps only §4-§7) is thus an opusculum or a treatise titled De iactura et malo divisionis commissioned by the Guidi consorteria. But like any medieval letter-treatise, it also addresses a wider audience. Boncompagnus 4.4.25-26 concerns two brothers contending for a division of their inheritance. Boncompagno seems to have applied to Bohemia the actual dispute between the brothers Emmerich (1196-1204) and Andreas II (1205-1235) claimants to the Hungarian throne. See also Boncompagnus 1.20.7.
11 Joel 2.20 (eum, qui ab aquilone est), Dan 11.6, passim (rex aquilonis), Jer. 1.14, 4.6, 6.1 (malum ex aquilone). Destructive winds, floods and peoples also come from the north.
12 Cf. Rhetorica novissima 1.3 'De origine iuris que fuit in Paradiso deliciarum' (on which cf. Gaius in Digest 1.2.1 'De origine iuris').
13 Dan 5.25, Gen. 38.29, cf. also Boncompagnus 5.1.26 §4, and 1.2.16. Although this term might not be wholly unfamiliar from medieval Latin (phariseare = to divide), Daniel's interpretation of phares on the Aramaic mene-tekel-u-pharsin inscription is: divisum est tuum regnum; in Genesis 38.29 the midwife names the second of twins who pushes past his brother at birth 'Phares', saying that on his account the wall was broken (quare divisa est propter te maceria et ob hanc causam vocavit nomen eius Phares). This Phares, the son of Iudas and Tamar, who has nothing to do with Boncompagno's sinister 'Divider', also appears at Num 26.30, 1. Par 2.4, Ruth 4.12, Matt 1.3, Luc 3.33. --- See A. VIVIAN I campi lessicali della 'separazione' nell'ebraico biblico, di Qumran e della Mishna (Florence 1978).
14 Only four sons are named in the salutation. Guido Guerra's third son, Tegrimo II, was not referred to by name in the salutation of this letter. Although the family tree published by STAHL indicates that Tegrimo served as a consul of Florence in 1192, this was probably another person, because Gualdrada's son Tegrimo was podesta of Arezzo in 1237 and of Pisa in 1239. See below, §9.
16 Gen 4.8. manus dextera used by synecdoche for a brother. See RICARDO QUINONES The Changes of Cain: Violence and the Lost Brother in Cain and Abel Literature (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University 1991), chapter 3, for analysis of Dante and 13th c. Tuscan fratricide, including the 'blood sacrifice' of Buondelmonde in 1215.
17 Gen. 25.22. This elaboration of the story of Esau and Jacob jostling in Rebecca's womb is typical of Boncompagno's interest in medicine (see also below, §14). Another interesting Biblical story of the birth of twins is Gen. 38.29. However, the pertinence of Jacob and Esau to the problem of division is marked in the Lord's words to Rebecca in Gen. 25.23: Duae gentes in utero tuo sunt, et duo populi ex ventre tuo dividentur, populusque populum superabit et maior minori serviet.
18 Gen. 37.5-28.
19 As an alternative to the Virgilian picture of a pius Aeneas, the story of Aeneas' (and his brother Antenor's) conspiracy with the Greeks was transmitted to the Middle Ages by a pair of demythologizing forgeries from Late Antiquity: the Latin tr. by Lucius Septimius' of Diktys Cretensis Ephemeris belli Troiani (Teubner, ed. W. EISENHUT 19732) and Dares Phrygius De excidio Troiae historia (Teubner, ed. F. MEISTER, 1873)--both based on Hellenistic Greek models. --- See HANS FROMM "Eneas der Verräter" in JOHANNES JANOTA ed. Festschrift Walter Haug und Burghart Wachinger (Tübingen 1992) 1.139-163.
20 Lucan De bello civili Fraterno primi maduerunt sanguini muri. Alexander Neckam De naturis rerum 2.189 (WRIGHT ed. 337): Romulus, iam saepedictae pestis furiis agitatus, Martis se prolem esse degenerem probavit, dum muros urbis sanguine fraterno infausta dedicatione polluit.
22 Boncompagnus 2.3.9, 3.15.8, 4.2.3-4.
23 Although I would translate causa divisionum 'because of divisions', a more technical legal translation is possible. The action (causa) for a divisio hereditatis is treated in Digest 10.2, see also Digest 26.8.20, 45.1.122 § 6 and above §4.
24 JULIUS FICKER Vom Reichsfürstenstande (Innsbruck 1861) 1.xxviii and 243: "Bei den Magnaten Italiens geht der Titel auf alle Familienglieder...so finden wir mehrere Brüder als Margrafen von Este oder Pfalzgrafen von Tuscien; ganze Sippeschaften führen den Amtstitel fort." However, according to Boncompagno, this had not happened in the Guidi family before the sharing of the title among Guido Guerra II's heirs, establishing a consorteria. --- A short discussion of the consorteria is found in DAVID HERLIHY Medieval Households (London 1985) 88-92. Two articles in Famille et parente dans l'occident medieval ed. GEORGES DUBY and JACQUES LE GOFF (Rome 1977) provide more detail and an introduction to the literature: CINZIO VIOLANTE "Quelques caracteristiques des structures familiales en Lombardie, Emilie et Toscane aux XIe et XIIe siecles" (pp. 88-151) and GIOVANNI TABACCO "Le rapport de parente comme instrument de domination consortiale: quelques exemples piemontais" (153-158). The standard work is F. NICCOLAI I consorzi nobiliari ed il comune nell'alta e media Italia (Bologna 1940). For Boncompagno on the consorteria, see below §13, also Boncompagnus 5.20.1.
25 The communes' subjection of rural magnates is one of the main themes of medieval Italian history. For the subjection of the Guidi and Alberti families to Florence, see P. SANTINI "Studi sul'antica costituzione del comune di Firenze" Archivio Storico Italiano5 25 (1900) 25-86 with three maps; 26 (1900) 3-80; 27 (1900) 163-249. Current biblical exegesis identified the two daughters of the leech in Prov. 30.15 as avarice and gluttony.
26 On the relation between wealth, ownership of knightly arms and noble status in Tuscany, GIOVANNI TABACCO "Nobili e cavallieri a Bologna e a Firenze fra XII e XIII secolo" Studi Medievali 17 (1976) 41-79.
27 Cf. BATTISTI-ALESSIO Dizionario etimologico italiano (first evidence for terrazo in 14th century). See also scholarship on Dante's Inferno...
28 Comes Oliverius is an echo of the Chanson de Roland (cumpainz Oliver); see also De malo senectutis et senii 11. For the reception of Arthurian material by Boncompagno, see Cedrus 3.6 and Boncompagnus 1.24.3. --- In general, see H. KRAUSS Epica feudale e pubblico borghese: Per la storia poetica di Carlomagno in Italia (Padua 1980) and ANNA IMELDE GALLETTI and ROBERTO RODA Sulle orme di Orlando: leggende e luoghi carolingi in Italia: i paladini di Francia nelle tradizioni italiane : una proposta storico antropologica (Padua 1987).
29 Boncompagno's consternation is evident; assuming that the office is greater than the man, such a title violates a cardinal rhetorical maxim: maior debet praemitteri. But in Boncompagnus 1.23.4 he takes the position that the man is more important than the office.
30 CHRIS WICKHAM The mountains and the city (Oxford 1988) revalorizes the 'demise' of Guidi power by noting that their increasing localization on the Tuscan-Romangnole Appenines (the upper Casentino valley) tended to enhance the development of a seigneurial form of their power.
31 On usury, see Boncompagnus 1.23.3 §5.
32 See Boncompagnus 1.25.11 §22 and 3.14.1 §15.
33 Either like It. riferimento or 'sour-dough starter'. See I Cor. 5.6, Gal. 5.9 and Boncompagnus 1.13.4, 1.23.2 §2, 1.25.11 §1, 5.22.4 §2.
34 For sodomy: Boncompagnus 1.13.4, 3.13.13, 3.19.15; Rhetorica novissima 9.2.17. See also Boncompagnus prol. 3.10 (Infamavit de heresi Priscianum).
35 The ruthlessness of the Guidi family is indicated by the their names Bibesanguinem and Guerra; Boncompagnus 1.25.11 and 6.8.12 detail Guido Guerra III's reputation. Boncompagno's interest in the punishment of criminals stems in part from his tenure on the staff of a podesta of Ancona in 1200-1201. For that interest, see Oliva 36.6. --- See also GEORG DAHM Das Strafrecht Italiens in ausgehenden Mittelalter (Leipzig 1935), G. HANUAER Das Berufspodestat im 13. Jahrhundert MIöG 23 (1902), JOSEF KOHLER Das Florentiner Strafrecht des 14. Jahrhundert (Leipzig 1910); HERMAN KANTOROWICZ Albert Gandinus und das Strafrecht der Scholastik.(Berlin 1907).
36 On the noble towers of Florence: PIETRO SANTINI "Societa delle torri di Firenze" Archivio Storico Italiano4 20 (1887).
37 This gives a terminus a quo of 22 November 1220 for this letter, the date of Frederick II's imperial coronation. Since the letter presupposes that Guido Guerra III is dead, the Epistola mandativa ad comites palatinos was written between 1215-1220.